Mr Timothy Omo-bare was Deputy Inspector General of Police when he attended the Aburi Peace meeting held in Ghana on January 4-5, 1967. The meeting was designed to bring peace to Nigeria and prevent a possible Civil war in the country. Other senior officers who attended the Aburi meeting were the then Head of State, Lt-Colonel Yakubu Gowon, Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo, Lt-Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu, Lt-Colonel David Ejoor, Lt-Colonel Hassan Katsina, Commodore J.E.A. Wey, Major Mobolaji Johnson, Alhaji Kam Salem and Mr T. Omo-Bare.
The secretaries who attended the meeting were Mr S.I.A. Akenzua (Permanent Under-Secretary, Federal Cabinet Office, Mr P.T. Odumosu, Secretary to the Military Government, West, and Mr N.U. Akpan, Secretary to the Military Government, East, Mr D.P. Lawani, Under-Secretary, Military Governor’s Office, Mid-West and Alhaji Ali Akilu, Secretary to the Military Government, North.
Senior military officers with extremist views, including Major Murtala Mohammed and Captain T.Y. Danjuma, were excluded from the Aburi meeting, which was called by the Ghanaian Head of State, General Joseph Arthur Ankrah (August 18, 1915 – November 25, 1992).
On the second day of the meeting, there was a serious deadlock with Omo-bare, playing the role of a peacemaker. Omo-bare was born on January 26, 1913, in Uzebba, Edo State. He had his education at St. Peter’s School, Benin City, Government School, Kwale and St. Peter’s Training College, Benin. He joined the police force in 1933, became the Commissioner of Police between 1964 and 1966, Deputy Inspector General of Police, 1966-1968 and a Federal Commissioner for Rehabilitation between 1968 and 1970.
Omo-Bare told the deadlocked meeting on that day, “We cannot sit here and divide up Nigeria, because the way things are now moving is towards regionalisation of everything, and I do not think it is safe or that we are right to divide up Nigeria at this table.” But it had appeared that His appeal fell on deaf ears, and in a few months later, those military officers came back home to fight a senseless civil war, the scars that are still with us today.
I think Omo-bare’s words of wisdom are better directed to Nigeria’s political class today. It appears there is desperation in the air. Both the opposition and the ruling party have crossed the red line. Each is determined to finish the other by all means. They need to be reminded that they have no right to break up this great country because of the coming election. They also need to be reminded that there is no haven for them if Nigeria breaks up and that there is no country on earth where they will enjoy their loot like Nigeria.
A red line is more than just a phrase; it embodies boundaries and limits that, once crossed, signal unacceptable behaviour or actions. Imagine you’re in a negotiation ─ perhaps over something as significant as peace talks or even personal relationships. The term red line serves as an ultimatum: cross this boundary, and there will be consequences.
Historically rooted in various contexts, the concept of a red line has evolved into both metaphorical and literal interpretations. In diplomatic discussions, leaders often establish these lines to signify non-negotiable terms. For instance, when one party states they cannot accept certain conditions because it crosses their red line, they are drawing a firm boundary around what they deem acceptable.
In everyday life, we encounter our own personal lines too, whether it’s tolerating disrespect from friends or colleagues or setting boundaries within family dynamics. These limits help us maintain our values and protect our well-being.
Ultimately, whether we’re discussing international diplomacy or individual rights at home, understanding what constitutes a red line helps clarify expectations and responsibilities among parties involved.
The presidential election in Nigeria is always awaited with much anxiety, but this coming one looks more deadly than the previous ones.
I remember with Nostalgia the 1959 general election, which was held on December 12, 1959. The Governor General, Sir James Wilson Robertson (October 27, 1899 – September 23, 1983), issued a declaration on October 8, 1959. I was then a student at Methodist School, Otapete, Ilesa, along with Olu Malomo, Bola Olojo, Bisi Fatunwase, then Miss Bolanle Jegede, late Shiyan Malomo and others.
Our interest in politics grew then because the first National Vice President of the NCN, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi’s house was behind our school. And because of the activities in his house, we took special interest in party politics. My guardian and teacher at that time was the late Mr Fatunwase, while our headmaster was Mr Esan.
Elections were to be held in 312 single-member constituencies throughout the country (election for eight seats for Southern Cameroons representatives was suspended pending the outcome of the plebiscite on the future of the Territory to be held before March 1961), of which 174 were in Northern Nigeria, 62 were in Western Nigeria, 73 were in Eastern Nigeria, and three were in Lagos.
The dissolved House was elected in 1954 and consisted of 184 elected members and six special members to represent special interests (commerce, shipping, banking, etc.). On August 29, 1957, the first Prime Minister of the Federation, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (December 1912 – January 15, 1966), was appointed, and a coalition government was formed.
No less than 26 parties were registered to contest the elections, but by common consent the main contests lay between the Northern People’s Congress of Northern Nigeria, the Action Group of Western Nigeria and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons of Eastern Nigeria. Each of these parties was contesting the elections either directly or through its allies throughout the federation.
For the first time, voting was by secret ballot throughout the country. All registered adults in Western and Eastern Nigeria were eligible to vote and all registered adult males were eligible in Northern Nigeria.
An amendment to the Constitution Orders in Council provided for the establishment of a Senate consisting of not less than 56 appointed members, plus those members of the Federal House of Representatives who were Members of the Council of Ministers.
The Governor-in-Council of each Region and the Commissioner of the Cameroons would each appoint 12 for Lagos (one being the Oba of Lagos and one from the White Cap and War Chief of the Capital), and four were appointed by the Governor-General. Senators should not be less than 40 years old.
By January 1959, the Premier of Eastern Nigeria, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe (November 16, 1904 – May 11, 1996), and Chief Obafemi Awolowo (March 6, 1909 – May 9, 1987), Premier of the Western Region, had decided to stand as candidates in the federal elections that would take place in December. Dr Azikiwe’s decision followed a unanimous resolution of the executive committee of the NCNC expressing the belief that “in the interest of the nation and the party and in consonance with the wishes of the people, Azikiwe should be a member of the federal legislature”.
The Sardauna of Sokoto of the NPC and Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, had stated that he did not intend to try to enter the Federal House. It was believed that Endeley, Premier of the Southern Cameroons, would not stand as a federal candidate either.
In October, Professor Eyo Ita, a member of Calabar in the Eastern House of Assembly and the leader of the United National Independence Party, resigned from the party and joined the NCNC.
In accordance with the dictates of his conscience and in obedience to the chiefs and members of his constituency. The professor was, for many years, the first national vice-president of the NCNC. From 1952 to May 1953, he was the leader of Government Business and Minister of Natural Resources in the East. During the constitutional crisis in 1953, he resigned and formed the National Independence Party, which later merged with Mr Alvan Ikoku’s faction to become the U.N.P. Professor Ita was the leader of the opposition from then until March 1957, when he was displaced by Mr S.G. Ikoku of the Action Group. He resigned from the COR state movement in September 1959.
By October 25, 1959, the political leaders were fully engaged in the election campaign. There were accusations of intimidation, bribery, hypocrisy, etc. Each party’s representatives had made official complaints to the governor-general about their treatment in the Regions controlled by their opponents. At a press conference held in Lagos, Mr K. Bovell, Inspector-General of the Nigerian Police, described actions which police were taking to ensure fair and orderly elections. There would be 5,000 Nigerian policemen, 1,200 L.A. police and 6,000 Special Constables to maintain order.
Polling stations would number 25,400; 9,600 in the North, 8,000 in the East, 7,500 in the West, and 300 in Lagos. Nine million people would be entitled to vote. The statistics of registration were as follows: Northern Region: 3,885,000 (entitled to register); 3,640,284 (actual registration) and 93.7 per cent (percentage registration), Eastern Region: 3,423,000 (persons entitled to register), 2,598,234 (actual registration) and 75.7 per cent (percentage registration), Western Region: 2,759,000 (entitled to register), 2,653, 188 (actual registration) and 96.2 (percentage registration) and Lagos: 1777,000 (persons entitled to register), 144,000 (actual registration) and 81.6 per cent (percentage registration).
In the north, where the NCNC claimed that party supporters had been attacked at Bida and the NEPU claimed that NA had been obstructive, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe said that he hoped that the rulers of the region would realise social upheaval could not be resolved by harsh laws and imprisonment. In their turn, the Northern Government blamed disturbances on visiting politicians for bad manners and lack of tact, although Alhaji Aliyu Makama Bida had said that Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his supporters had violated Northern traditions, for which they would never be forgiven.
Alhaji Bida also described the Action Group campaign by helicopter as both expensive and unreasonable. Arising from an NPC tour of Western Nigeria, the Sardauna of Sokoto had officially complained of ‘Action Group Hooliganism’, and the Northern Minister of Health, Alhaji Ahman Pategi, had declared that the main cause of disorder was A.G. and N.E.P.U. leaders use of abusive language about their opponent.
In the Eastern Region, Mbadiwe, leader of the DPNC, had also complained of NCNC hooliganism, while Awolowo had described Azikiwe as a ‘born dictator’. Continuing his tour of Northern Nigeria, Azikiwe warned NPC leaders that “the regions’ taxpayers were dissatisfied, and that the opinion of the common man was not being respected. This was a situation conducive to the growth of communism. Azikiwe said that allegations of hooliganism and violence by all political parties were regularly claimed by their opponents.
Awolowo said that he would ask Sir James Robertson to bring all Nigerian police directly under the command of Bovell, the Inspector General of Police.
Responding, the NPC issued a statement accusing the AG of trying to woo the NCNC and said it would oppose any move to curtail the Northern Region’s internal autonomy. The NCNC leaders pointed out that until recently, the AG had advocated regionalisation of all Nigerian police.
On October 28, 1959, the Governor-General of Nigeria, Sir James Robertson, dissolved the Federal Parliament. The Governor called for an end to hooliganism in political campaigning. In a broadcast, Sir James Robertson warned that if the wave of hooliganism now sweeping the country was not checked by party leaders, he would instruct police to use sterner measures. He added that he had written in the most solemn language to leaders of major political parties to ask their party organisations to put an end to acts of violence or encouragement to violence. He said that on the eve of Nigerian Independence, it was unfortunate that campaign meetings should feature lorry loads of cutlasses, broken bottles and rods to beat up political opponents.
Despite obstacles erected by their opponents, all the main politicians were busy touring the country, and the Action Group’s ubiquitous helicopter continued to attract attention. From December 7, 1959, Awolowo had been moving along the Middle Belt, starting in Adamawa on December 7, and reaching Jos. His helicopter had continued to provide advertisement and excitement, calling the women to leave the Benue ferry to listen to him in Numan. The helicopter took him to remote villages where no major political leader had gone before.
As the windmill descended, its slogan of “full employment for all” was suddenly hidden in the cloud of dust. Chief Awolowo emerged for organised women to rush forward, only to be drowned in a second choking storm as the helicopter left the football field.
At Jimeta, Awolowo’s theme was the NA and alkalai oppression of Action Group supporters in the North. At Jos, much of the speech was devoted to ‘Votes for Women’. At Bornu, the Shehu of Bornu was annoyed at leaflets fluttering from the helicopter into the most secret part of his palace. The AG, in addition to lavish promises, gave a ‘handout’ or ‘giveaway’. The Sardauna said that people should take the money offered for their votes, but not betray their children by voting that way. There was therefore more to “give-away” than pencils and matchboxes marked with palm trees.
Excluding the eight seats allocated to Southern Cameroons, not being contested because the territory had expressed the desire to opt out of the Nigerian federation with which, since 1920, it had been administered by the UK as a mandate by the League of Nations. Three hundred and twelve seats were contested. By December 5, nomination lists had closed. Mr R. Okafor, the administration secretary of N.CN.C., candidate for Owerri West, was returned unopposed.
For the 174 seats in the North, 550 candidates were nominated — 170 by N.P.C. and its allies, 156 by NEPU and N.C.N.C., 167 by A.G. and U.M.B.C. and 53 Independents. For the East 73 seats, there were 183 nominations, NCNC 73, A.G. 43 and 22 DPNC. In the West, 170 nominations were received for the 62 seats, with the AG and NCNC supplying an equal number of candidates.
On Saturday, December 12, 1959, the Federal elections took place in an orderly atmosphere, although the electoral campaign was vigorous and a large number of people were injured, and windows were broken. The poll was heavy, no grave incidents occurred, and only about 50 people were arrested for the alleged electoral offences. The numbers who voted were 7,185,555. In the Northern Region- 3,258,520 (votes cast) and 89.4 per cent (percentage poll), Eastern Region- 1,929,754 (votes cast) and 75.3 per cent (percentage poll), Western Region- 1,887,209 and 71.2 per cent (percentage poll), Lagos- 110,072 (Votes cast) and 76.2 per cent (percentage poll).
All prominent Nigerian political leaders were returned. These were Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and all the members of the outgoing federal cabinet. The general election went so well that in the New Year broadcast, the governor-general admitted that the quiet and orderly way in which the election took place on December 12 was a major triumph for all those who had planned it.
The Northern People’s Congress returned as the largest party. The final results announced on December 21 stated that—NPC had 142, National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons and its ally NEPU- 89, Action Group- 72 and other parties- nine.
There were some difficulties in forming the Federal Government when, once the election was over, not one single party had won enough seats to form the government alone, nor was there a desire to form another national government. As leader of the largest party, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was invited by Sir James Robertson, the governor-general, to form a new federal cabinet.
Balewa, the former Prime Minister, accepted the invitation. On his arrival in Lagos, Balewa, who was accompanied by the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Premier of the Northern Region, said that he had not ruled out the possibility of forming a coalition government but added that “we certainly cannot compromise” on the suggestion that a leader of another party might become Prime Minister.
After discussion between the NPC and the NCNC, officially described as friendly and cordial, a new Federal Government was formed on December 20, 1959. NPC had 10 ministers and NCNC seven.
The coalition government members were Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (Prime Minister), Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu (Lands and Lagos Affairs), Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh (Finance), Mr Raymond Njoku (Transport and Aviation), Alhaji Inuwa Wada (Works and Survey), Mr Z.B. Dipcharima (Commerce and Industries), Mr Joseph Johnson (Labour and Welfare and Mr Aja Nwachukwu (Education).
Others were Mallam Maitama Sule (Mines and Power), Mallam Shehu Shagari (Economic Development and Natural Resources, Mr Olu Akinfosile (Communications), Mallam Usman Sarki (Internal Affairs), Mr Theophilus Benson (Information), Mallam Waziri Ibrahim (Health), Mallam Yisa Yar’adua (Pensions, Establishment and Nigerianisation), while Mr Matthew Mbu and Mr Olanrewaju were both Ministers of State.
By regional representation, ten of the ministers came from the North, three from the East, three from the West and one from Lagos. Except for those belonging to the Action Group, which now formed the opposition to the NPC/NCNC coalition, all former ministers in the Federal Government were reappointed, in most cases to their former portfolios; the only new ministers were Mallam Maitama Sule, NPC Chief Whip in the former federal legislature and Mr Olu Akinfosile, former president of the Nigerian Students’ Union in the United Kingdom.
Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, deputy leader of the Action Group, was appointed Premier of the Western Region on December 15 to succeed Awolowo, who had become the leader of the opposition in the new federal legislature.
On January 12, 1960, the new Federal House of Representatives held its first meeting. On January 14, 1960, 1960, the Parliament passed a motion for Nigeria’s Independence. On April 22, Prime Minister Abubakar left Nigeria for London to complete talks for the final transfer of power to Nigeria on October 1, 1960.
In his remark after the election, Awolowo wrote, “In 1959, during the election that was to usher in independence in 1960, I embarked on an elaborate campaign in the North. I was using a helicopter to campaign in every nook and corner of the North. The most important aspect of the campaign of the Action Group was free education, a life more abundant for the generality of the people, etc. Our manifesto was centred on the development of man. We worked so hard that the Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello, was forced to campaign, a thing he was never used to. My hope at that time was to liberate the North from illiteracy, ignorance and the ‘ranka dede’ mentality. If I had won the election, I would have put a lot of money into educating the North to bridge the educational gap between that region and the Western and Eastern Regions. This was because I saw the lack of education as a stumbling block against the political enlightenment of the whole region.
“But I think that sooner than later, the leaders of the North will see the repercussions of their selfishness and carelessness in their attitude towards Western education. But the time will not be too late, and if they don’t regret it or blame themselves for lack of foresight, the Northern youth may ask their leaders some questions when they see the rate of development that goes with education in many parts of Southern Nigeria. They may then wonder whether it was in their stars or in the selfishness, carelessness and lack of foresight of their leaders. If I had been given the chance in 1959 or 1979, I would have changed the fortunes of the North as a place that can be compared favourably with the South in terms of educational, social and economic developments.”
Yes, there was an election in 1959, the first, before independence, but not much violence as we are witnessing now. If one observes, bombings, kidnappings and other violent incidents have increased in many parts of the country in the last few months; in fact, some states are no-go areas. We are going to witness more and more and more. These incidents are not isolated. They are related to the forthcoming elections. No doubt it appears that they are coordinated and organised by the opposition to discredit the ruling party as inoperative and a failure. It is the same method that those in government now use, when they were in opposition some years back. No doubt both the opposition and the government have crossed the red line, and there seems to be no ceasefire and no going back. The sad aspect is that the innocent people are the victims of the senseless war, all in a bid for power and to loot the treasury.
A system that gives power to the ruling party, a winner-takes-all approach, will definitely bring chaos. When we adopted the presidential system of government, we thought it would be participatory, but as it looks now, it is winner takes all kind of government. If you are in opposition in Nigeria today, you are presumed dead or classified dead. The opposition is left out of the scheme of things. The executives have become monsters and greedy, who do not want to share power with anyone. So, the opposition feels shut out of the system.
There must be a ceasefire between both sides. Or else things will continue to get worse and worse. Politicians must not be allowed to destroy this beautiful country.
Teniola, a former director at the Presidency, writes from Lagos